Introduction
According to André Béteille, inequality in India is multidimensional. Educational disparities among religious groups do not operate in a vacuum; rather, they emerge through the structural intersection of faith with class, caste, gender, and regional location.
1. The Empirical Landscape (Census, PLFS, AISHE)
Educational attainment in India demonstrates significant polarization across religious communities:
- Literacy Rates: Census 2011 data indicates that Jains lead with a 94.9% literacy rate, followed by Christians (84.5%), Buddhists (81.3%), Sikhs (75.4%), Hindus (73.3%), and Muslims (68.5%).
- Contemporary Trends: The Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS 2023-24) shows an increase in Muslim literacy to 79.5%, though it remains below the national average of 80.9%.
- Higher Education Bottleneck: The All India Survey on Higher Education (AISHE 2021-22) reveals that Muslims, despite constituting 14.2% of the population, account for only 4.87% of higher education enrollment, illustrating steep attrition after elementary schooling.
2. Sociological Explanations: Outliers and Deprivation
- Cultural and Social Capital (Pierre Bourdieu): Positive outliers such as Jains and Christians have successfully converted specific forms of capital into educational success. Jains convert mercantile economic capital into institutionalized cultural capital, whereas Christians leverage social capital nurtured through historic, missionary-led institutional networks.
- Cumulative Deprivation (Satish Deshpande): The intersection of caste and religion (notably among Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians) leads to overlapping exclusions. This structural disadvantage hinders Amartya Sen's 'capability expansion', resulting in high drop-out rates at the primary-to-secondary transition stage.
3. State Interventions and Contemporary Policy Critique
While the Sachar Committee (2006) brought national focus to the minority developmental deficit, the Kundu Committee (2014) reviewed post-Sachar implementation and noted that financial allocations remained inadequate relative to the depth of deprivation. The Kundu Committee advocated for demand-driven scholarships and the institution of an institutional 'Diversity Index' to incentivize inclusive campuses.
Recent policy changes—including the discontinuation of the Maulana Azad National Fellowship (MANF) and the restriction of pre-matric scholarships to Classes IX and X—represent structural rollbacks in targeted affirmative support. Relying purely on the Right to Education (RTE) Act without targeted socio-economic support risks exacerbating the vulnerability of educationally marginalized religious groups.
Conclusion
Bridging educational disparities requires moving beyond basic elementary schooling towards structural interventions, such as adopting the Kundu Committee's recommended Diversity Index and targeted financial handholding to facilitate upward social mobility.